The Bay View Massacre
The cold morning wind whipped through the ranks of marchers as they advanced towards the large gray factory. In the distance they could see a line of stout men dressed in blue uniforms standing poised with rifles shouldered and bayonets glistening. One of them strolled to the front of the column, held up his hand, and yelled something that the marchers could not understand. Shaking his head he then walked behind the thin blue line and a moment later the sound of muskets and flash of powder wrecked the scene.
An 1882 drawing of the rolling mill and Bay View community. Courtesy of the Library of Congress Geography and Map Division.
Bay View and the Rolling Mill
Bay View is a rural community in Milwaukee, Wisconsin that borders Lake Michigan on one side and was largely rural throughout the early to mid 1800s. That all changed when a man named Eber Ward formed the Milwaukee Iron Company in 1866 and purchased 114 acres of land to build a factory and accompanying housing. The Bay View Rolling Mill opened two years later in 1868. He imported skilled laborers from Great Britain to work the mill and they soon made up a majority of the middle class in the region. Originally the mill re-rolled old railroad rails but in 1870 a blast furnace was installed and it was able to start producing new ones. The furnace was the largest in the country standing 66 feet high, 17 feet in diameter and produced 40 tons of pig iron a day. Pig iron is a low quality form of iron that has a high carbon content and is used mostly in steel production. In 1871 a second furnace was installed making the Bay View Iron Works the largest producer of railroad rails in the country, and by 1885 it employed more than 1500 people. The small rural community had now become a part of the modern industrial society.
The Bay View rolling mill pictured in 1938 not long before it was demolished. Courtesy of the Milwaukee Public Library.
Workers Rights
While factories were not anything new the idea of working in a factory was to these rural communities, and owners were able to take advantage of their low skilled laborers. Making them regularly work 10, 12 and 16 hours a day 6 days a week and paying them as little as 90 cents a day (roughly $28 today). Conditions in the Bay View plant were possibly the worst in the region with temperatures regularly reaching 130℉ and the air being incredibly smoky and dirty. In order to solve some of these grievances the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions began a nationwide two year process, starting in 1884, to urge state and local governments to implement an 8 hour work day that would not lead to a reduction in workers pay. “This,” the Milwaukee Free Press noted, “rendered the struggle more difficult than it would otherwise have been.” The league urged workers to stop working and hold major protests if the laws were not enacted by May 1, 1886. Some Milwaukee factories and businesses were willing to agree to an 8 hour workday, but would not adjust the pay to fit that of 10-12 hours. A few companies did agree to 9 hours worth of pay for 8 hours of work, but of the roughly 200 employers in Milwaukee only 21 were able to reach a settlement with their workers.
Drawing of Paul Grottkau. Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.
At the time Milwaukee had two major labor rights organizations, the Central Labor Union led by socialist Paul Grottkau and the Catholic Church's Knights of Labor led by Robert Shilling. These two main groups and a few smaller ones formed the Eight Hour League which worked to persuade the local Milwaukee government to implement the 8 hour workday. An 8 hour law was enacted by the May 1st date, but it had no penalties for employers that refused to follow it. Many states, towns, and cities passed laws very similar to the Milwaukee’s which, unsurprisingly, infuriated workers. As a result, on May 1, 1886 there were over 1600 protests and demonstrations across the country, several of which devolved into violence. It should be noted that most violent acts were not started by the workers but were instigated by radical socialists or by private police firms hired by factory owners.
Robert Schilling. Courtesy of the Wisconsin Historical Society.
Milwaukee Protests
Originally there were going to be demonstrations in Milwaukee on May 1st along with the others, but there was some infighting between labor unions which delayed them until the day after. On May 2nd the Central Labor Union held a parade with striking workers carrying banners and chanting slogans like "The workmen do not beg, they demand," "We do not work for King Mammon," and "Eight hours is our battle cry." Several local newspapers called it the biggest event in the city's history. Wisconsin Governor Jeremiah Rusk was worried that the protests would turn violent like many others had and in response he put the state militia on standby. The Mayor of Milwaukee, Emil Wallber, recalled the Governor’s decision, “Delegations of merchants called on Governor Jeremiah Rusk, requesting him to immediately call out all of the available militia in Wisconsin, they (the merchants) anticipating trouble, and looking for the state to protect their property in case of rioting.” However Mayor Wallber did not agree that the militia was needed. Governor Rusk also asked the Sheriff if he wanted help from the militia to keep order, but he also declined.
A popular banner used during the 8 hour movement. Courtesy of ResearchGate.
Roughly 25,000 people watched the parade and then went to a picnic at the Milwaukee Gardens where they listened to labor leaders give speeches on the 8 hour work day and how workers were being treated unfairly. While many agreed with the workers sentiment they were also turned off by the display of the red socialist flags. Still the speeches fired people up and it was not long before most were chanting their support of the 8 hour day. There were several members of the Knights of Labor in attendance of the picnic and when the speeches were finished they went back to St. Stanislaus Church, which they were using as their headquarters, to organize a march through the town. 800 Knights of Labor members marched through Milwaukee chanting and urging workers to strike. Laborers from several smaller businesses throughout the town joined in and they marched to the CM&STO Car Company, which produced railroad cars, to entice the workers there to join them. They were easily persuaded and left their work without much intervention from the supervisors. The large group then marched to the Edward P. Allis Reliant Steel works, but word of the march had reached the foremen and supervisors there and they were met with high pressure water hoses. Nevertheless, the workers within the plant heard the chanting of the marchers and walked out to join them. The strikers continued their march throughout the day and many businesses and factories were forced to close.
Knights of Labor seal. Public Domain.
By now employers and some government officials were becoming worried that the protests would become violent. The owners of the CM&STO sent a special train to pick up Governor Rusk from Madison and bring him to Milwaukee where he set up office in the Plankinton Hotel. Here employers and factory owners urged the Governor to call in the militia, but he refused since there was no violence and he did not want to overstep the ruling of city officials. As marchers continued, police trailed them but were never forced to intervene. Towards the end of the day employers asked Governor Rusk once again to call in the militia, Rusk reluctantly brought in a few members to protect downtown businesses and the docks but most of the units remained on standby.
On the morning of May 3rd a group of roughly 300 strikers carrying clubs and knives descended on the Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway shops to intimidate the workmen and force them to join their cause. It seemed that a fight between workers was imminent, but the foreman told his employees to just go with them and closed the shop for the day. One must keep in mind that not all workers wanted to be part of the strike. Most of the strikers were low skilled Polish, Irish, and Native Americans who were working long hours for little pay. Higher skilled laborers, who were predominantly British and some German, were working long hours but were also making a good wage and saw no real issue with their employers. To them the strikes were nothing but a disruption to their paycheck. The strikers had now shut down every factory in the region except for the Bay View Rolling Mill and Steel Foundry.
Governor Jeremiah Rusk. Courtesy of Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
Roughly 1,500 people now took part in the active march and over 12,000 others were striking throughout the city. Robert Shilling was able to convince the owner of the Edward P. Allis Reliant Steel works to go to an 8 hour work day and offer a pay increase. The owner issuing a statement to his workers saying, “I appeal to you all to remember that this is not a question of wages or of hours of labor, but of human rights and of manhood – of my right to run my works and your right to sell me your time and labor … if you have any complaints of wages or hours of labor, bring them to me and they will be fairly considered and acquiesced in or declined, and if we cannot agree, we will part like men, and if our works must close, it will be in peace and harmony and not with the throwing of stones and brandishing of clubs. With the firm belief, from my knowledge of your high characters, that you will prove yourselves equal to this great emergency, believe me, your friend, – Edward P. Allis” However the workers were caught up in the moment and refused to come back to work unless everyone else received the same or similar offer. Though the machinists, who did not want to be part of the strike to begin with, decided to go back to work anyway. The Journal reported, “Two hundred of E.P. Allis’ men went to work this morning, and as the news spread that the works were reopened, others began to come in. Many stayed out, however, because they were afraid they would be attacked while on their way home or later in the evening. The skilled mechanics are indignant at being forced out the other day by a mob, and are inclined to give the soldiers aid if there is a renewal of rioting.”
Photo of the Edward P. Allis Reliant Steel works. Courtesy of the Milwaukee Notebook.
By now the marchers were becoming disorganized and a little violent, Shilling and Grottkau attempted to reason with the crowd in their native languages but the workers would not listen. The English speaking reporters did not understand what the men were saying and mistakenly reported that the leaders were trying to incite the crowd. The marchers now turned their attention to the Bay View Mill, police following them into the neighborhood and informed Governor Rusk that if violence should break out that they would not have enough manpower to handle it. Rusk was also receiving embellished reports saying that violence was breaking out across the city from protesters. This convinced him to call in the militia which spread throughout the town to protect against property damage.
The marchers arrived at the Bay View Mill and asked one of the supervisors of the plant to let them go in and talk to the workers, but the manager refused. The crowd then decided to encircle him and not let him go until he permitted them to enter. Not long after the Lincoln Guard, a militia group, showed up by way of a special train, likely provided by CM&STO, and helped free the man from the crowd. The militia then formed a line between the strikers and the mill, during which the marchers began throwing rocks at them. The militia was instructed by the Governor to protect themselves and the property at all costs, but no shots were fired. While a shaky scene erupted outside, workers inside the mill began arguing amongst themselves about the 8 hour day. By the end of the day on May 3rd there were over 250 National Guardsmen at the mill.
Wisconsin militia members pose in front of the E. P. Allis steel works. Courtesy of Milwaukee County Wisconsin Genealogy.
In the early morning hours of May 4th the Kosciusko Militia arrived on foot. This was a militia made up primarily of Polish businessmen and they caused quite a stir among the crowd. The strikers began heckling them, calling them names, and saying that they were traitors to their fellow countrymen. The marchers told them to either join the protest or leave, then formed a line to prevent the Kosciusko Militia from reaching the Lincoln Guard. Every person in the Kosciusko Militia knew at least one person protesting and it was undoubtedly a difficult decision to make. After a few tense moments some of the marchers began throwing rocks and trash at the Polish guardsmen, this scared several of them and prompted some to fire their rifles in the air over the strikers heads. Some shots hitting the mill. The strikers dispersed for a few short moments, allowing the Kosciusko and Lincoln militias enough time to link up.
Once the scene settled down the strikers asked the supervisor if he would send a wire to the mills headquarters in Chicago to ask for an 8 hour work day. The supervisor obliged but the headquarters response was a short “no.” Employers were now putting considerable pressure on Governor Rusk to stop the strike. They told him that if he did not then they would solve the problem themselves, calling the strike a revolutionary uprising and used the bombing in Haymarket Square that killed 7 police officers as evidence for this. The Governor put in a call to the mill asking to speak to Major George P. Treaumer, commander of the Lincoln Guard. Pressured by the business and factory owners he told the Major that “if the strikers try to enter the mill, shoot to kill.” Major Treaumer then went to his men and instructed them, “Don't lose your head but wait for the order to fire before you pull a trigger. And when you do fire, take an aim, pick out your man and kill him.” Despite these fatalistic instructions no other noteworthy event occurred that day.
Artist depiction of the Haymarket Affair. Public Domain.
There was rumor that the strikers would try to assault the mill under the cover of night and attempt to burn it down. Upon hearing this Major Treaumer had the entire militia stay on alert until midnight, then posted sentries and had them perform frequent patrols around the mill. None of the militiamen had much, if any, sleep that night due to the fear of an attack and from the continuous cold winds whipping up from the lake. On top of that the sentries shot at anything that moved throughout the night.
Massacre
The next day, May 5th, at around 7 A.M. Major Traeumer received word that the marchers were coming for the mill and had all of his men put on high alert. At the same time the strikers gathered at St. Stanislaus Church where they then marched to the mill, curious women and children following close behind. One reporter noted that the men were carrying, “clubs and stones, many carried pistols, bars of iron, broken s[c]ythes, and other weapons.” They told him that they did not intend to use them but carried them to show the militia that they would not be intimidated. Another reporter said he was impressed at how well organized the protesters were for not having any central leadership. As they rounded the dirt road towards the mill they saw as militia members stood with their muskets shouldered and poised to fire. When the marchers were about 200 yards away Major Treaumer ordered them to halt, but the crowd either did not hear or ignored him and kept advancing. Not but a minute later Treaumer ordered the guardsmen to fire. A Milwaukee Journal reporter sent a telegram to the paper describing the scene, “The crowd began forming early this morning. About 1,500 were in line. About 8 o’clock they marched towards the rolling mills. Six military companies were ordered in line and stationed themselves in front of the works. The crowd marched on and were ordered to halt. They paid no attention, and a minute later the dread word “Fire!” was heard. The sharp crack of many rifles was heard, six companies taking deliberate aim at the advancing crowd and shooting to kill. A great panic ensued, and men and boys scrambled over each other in their haste to get beyond the reach of the gun.” After the shooting seven people lay dead and eight others suffered life threatening injuries.
A picture showing the militia lined up in front of the Bay View Mill. Public Domain.
Those that died were: Frank Kunkel, Frank Nowarczyk, John Marsh, Robert Erdman, Johann Zazka, Martin Jankowiak, Michael Ruchalski. One of those killed was a 13 year old boy who was just tagging along and still had his school books under his arm. Another was a retired worker who lived in Bay View and was not part of the strike but just trying to get some water from the nearby lake. One of the most poetic deaths was possibly a man carrying a socialist banner who had been seen threatening a judge with a club earlier that day. While the militia was cleaning up after the shooting they found two more Polish immigrants that had been killed, they remain unidentified to this day. Major Traeumer made a statement after the shooting, “Gov. Rusk gave me orders to keep the crowd away from the works at all hazards. Shortly after 7 o’clock, we saw a crowd numbering about 2,000 men marching down South Bay Street towards the works. I drew my men in line facing the advancing crowd. The mob shouted, ‘Burn the works and kill the militia!’ The crowd was ordered to halt, but paid no attention to the command, but continued to advance. I then ordered my men to fire upon them at a range of about 200 yards. I think this action was necessary to protect the property of the Rolling Mill company, and the lives of the militia.”
As the strikers gathered themselves away from the mill several called for revenge but found little followers of the idea. Though later that day at around 2:30 P.M. a riot did break out at the Milwaukee Garden, a bar, at 14th Street. The mob fired roughly a dozen shots at police but no one was injured or killed.
Common view of a labor strike at the turn of the century. Public Domain.
Afterward
Those of the more radical marchers continued for several days but could not gain the level of support that they had before the massacre. On May 6th different labor group leaders requested that Governor Rusk pull back the militia and allow the groups to police themselves, but the Governor refused to call off the militia until the strikers went back to work. They finally pulled out of the town on May 13th.
Reactions to the shooting were mixed. Many of the lower class workers said that the militia was too quick to fire while much of the middle and upper classes said that they made the right decision. There was an official inquiry into the shooting and it came back saying that the guards duty was unpleasant but justified, and that it was a humane gesture that they only fired one volley at the crowd. In contrast the inquiry indicted twenty Poles for inciting an unlawful assembly. They were sentenced to hard labor ranging from 6 to 9 months, Paul Grottkau receiving the stiffest penalty. Robert Shilling was also indicted but his trial ended in a hung jury. While he was waiting for a second trial he formed the Populace Party which elected a new district attorney that formally acquitted him.
Political cartoon showing the rise of populist parties across the U.S. Public Domain.
Despite his supportive statement and being one of the first factories to offer an agreement to his workers, on May 9th it was reported that the Edward P. Allis was going to fire all of his Polish workers due to them being “too radical” and replace them with other nationalities. Other factories in the region followed suit and for a while Polish immigrants had trouble finding work in Milwaukee. They responded to this and the massacre by boycotting businesses owned by members of the Kosciusko Militia.
The 8 hour work day movement was derailed but it led to the rise of several new political parties whose main goal was expanding workers rights. Many people were still sympathetic towards the movement and many of Milwaukee's representatives at the time of the massacre were replaced with those from socialist parties. This red wave would continue to grip Milwaukee and other parts of Wisconsin into the 1920s.
The Bay View Rolling Mill and Steel Foundry was closed in 1929 and was demolished a decade later. However the massacre is still commemorated by the Bay View Historical Society who hold a ceremony each year on the anniversary of the massacre.
Memorial plaque commemorating the massacre. Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.
Personal Thoughts
I think having an opinion on workers rights can be incredibly rocky and nearly everyone’s is different. You can’t have a completely correct opinion in almost anyone elses eyes. Having grown up in West Virginia I very much understand what those low skilled workers were going through, much of my state's history is steeped in the fight for workers rights. Do I think it was a good idea for them to carry weapons? No. Do I think they should have aligned themselves with the socialists? No. However I do understand why they did both and of course hindsight is always 20/20. I’m glad that it did spurn people to keep on fighting for better working conditions though I personally don’t agree with all of the laws that came about afterwards.
I think this whole episode in labor history really highlights how different classes see each other and how they sometimes have difficulty coming together. It also shows how different races can come together to fight for a common goal.
Sources
Cover Photo courtesy of the Milwaukee Notebook
https://www.linkstothepast.com/milwaukee/bayviewmassacre.php
https://www.tmj4.com/news/local-news/on-this-day-1886-bay-view-massacre-remembered
https://www.wisconsinhistory.org/Records/Article/CS5252
https://www.nhd.org/sites/default/files/PearceJrPaper.pdf
https://milwaukeenotebook.com/2015/05/01/bay-view-tragedy/
https://emke.uwm.edu/entry/bay-view/
https://bayviewcompass.com/milwaukee-iron-company/
https://www.wisconsinhistory.org/Records/Newspaper/BA9394
https://emke.uwm.edu/entry/eight-hour-movement/
https://www.metallics.org/pig-iron.html
